Zinbarg b, Susan Mineka c, Michelle G. However, longitudinal research regarding their temporal Unipolar mood disorders relations is limited. The goal of this study was to assess whether emotional disorders i. SUDs did not predict any anxiety or unipolar mood disorders with the exception that alcohol use disorders predicted the onset of obsessive compulsive disorder OCD.
All rights reserved. Indeed, cocaine and marijuana use various emotional disorders and with different primary substances increase risk for panic attacks, and cocaine use is associated with e.
Also, some ; Conway et al. The theory is also supported by some of the leaving open the possibility of recall biases. Wolitzky-Taylor et al. A third possibility is that the relations of UMDs and 3. Do anxiety disorders predict the subsequent onset of SUDs? This effect was due to AUD 2. There were participants Participants were on average 3. Do unipolar mood disorders predict the subsequent onset of SUDs?
The sample was This effect was driven by prediction of AUD 5. See Zinbarg et al. Measures 3. Do SUDs predict the subsequent onset of anxiety disorders? Procedure 3. Do SUDs predict the subsequent onset of unipolar mood disorders? Discussion In line with the self-medication hypothesis, emotional disorders 2.
Statistical analysis robustly predicted the onset of SUDs, whereas SUDs predicted the onset of emotional disorders in only one case. Emotional disorders follow-up period. The non-alcohol SUDs. Cases in which the participant had a T1 diagnosis heterogeneous group of drugs represented in non-alcohol SUDs may for the diagnosis being predicted were excluded. See Table 1 for have obscured effects that would be observed for certain drugs but disorder frequencies.
Models included gender as a covariate, given not others. In contrast, the presence of SUDs generally did not confer risk for Table 1 emotional disorders. There may be SUD 29 4. Findings Anx DO Neither neuroticism nor gender moderated SP 41 6. School not predict the onset of panic disorder, even though cannabis use counselors should assess for emotional disorders and be attuned to disorders, which have previously been shown to be associated with the increased risk this poses for later SUDs.
SUD prevention programs panic disorder onset Kushner et al. However, other drugs e. Also, these programs also reduce risk for SUDs.
Future positive impact not only on mood and anxiety symptoms but also on research should use longer follow-up periods to assess individuals SUD outcomes.
Thus, typical care for SUDs should include identifying into the mids when panic disorder is more likely to onset Kessler and treating comorbid emotional disorders. Craske, Susan Mineka, and Richard E. Lyuba Bobova took part in manuscript preparation. Future research should explore this Zinbarg took part in study design, assisting with data analysis, and substantial editing comorbidity longitudinally with older samples to evaluate whether the manuscript.
A short summary of this paper. Download Download PDF. Translate PDF. Introduction 3 II. The Promise of FDI 5 1. Global FDI Trends 5 2. Yes, No, Maybe 8 3. FDI and the Environment 11 4. Mixed Record: The Mexican Experience 15 5. Pointing in the Right Direction: Case Studies 18 1. Promoting Productive Capacities 18 2. Improving Environmental Performance 21 IV. Introduction Foreign direct investment FDI is potentially a powerful engine to promote—or undermine— prospects for sustainable development.
Both the investment decisions of multinational corporations and the rules that govern FDI can have significant impacts on production and consumption patterns, as well as the social and institutional milieu in which environmental and economic objectives are set and problems are addressed. If so, the objective of sustainable development advocates is to work to reduce negative environmental and social impacts while increasing the quantity of FDI flows, especially to the poorest countries and communities.
There is increasing evidence, however, that FDI may not consistently deliver on its core promise of economic benefits. In developed countries, case studies reveal that large subsidies to attract FDI may impoverish a community, especially in comparison to alternative development paths. In many larger developing and transition economies, FDI has worked generally to boost economic growth, though short-term gains may be vulnerable to reversals. And for many other developing countries, including the poorest, FDI inflows have correlated with decreases in national economic growth.
In this framework, advocates of sustainable development have a more daunting task: to search for projects, policies and global rules which improve both the development and environment performance of FDI. An understanding of the conditions and components--at the level of local and national government, the corporation, and the global regime--which are likely to generate a consistently positive relationship between FDI flows and sustainable development is largely uncharted territory.
This paper attempts to take a small step in that direction. The focus is on FDI flows into developing countries, both to make the topic more tractable in a short treatment and to promote global strategic conversation.
Given the extreme poverty in the poorest countries, the stakes are high in getting the policy framework right. Whether in bilateral or regional investment agreements or, potentially, at the WTO, developing countries are being pressed to open further to foreign investment, often with little scrutiny of environmental, social or even economic impacts. The case studies present examples of both. Overall, the case studies and review of the evidence point to the conclusion that making FDI work for sustainable development requires a high level of initiative and commitment by many players, local and global.
It will not be achieved simply through greater liberalization, even if it promotes more FDI flows to the poorest countries. In the s, many developing countries were mistrustful of multinational corporations MNCs , fearing a loss of sovereignty and preferring to borrow from banks to finance development projects.
After the debt crisis of the s, FDI became highly sought after, especially with the widespread embrace of export-oriented development strategies in the s.
Competition for FDI, among both developing and developed countries, is intense. Most developing countries, however, especially the poorest, do not have one. The promise of FDI for sustainable development is precisely that it could be a useful tool in creating an enabling environment for ecologically sound economic and social development.
The potential of FDI, in other words, is to help nurture local conditions and capacities—productive, social, regulatory and institutional. However, only a small part of global FDI inflows— about 30 percent on average between and went to developing countries.
Indeed, the developing country share fell off sharply between and , falling from 39 to 16 percent. The trend towards concentration seems to be intensifying: in , the top ten share rose to 81 percent Table 1.
Between , global FDI inflows declined sharply, falling by nearly 51 percent. While steady growth in global FDI flows is a reasonable expectation, the FDI surge of the late s increasingly appears to be a bubble.
In , services accounted for The manufacturing sector, though shrinking in relative terms in all regions except Africa, continues to account for the largest share Table 2. The exception is Latin America, where agriculture and mining received 9. For the most part, MNCs invest in order to get access to large markets. There is also close to a consensus that macroeconomic stability is needed to attract FDI. Countries with volatile exchange rates and high and growing trade deficits tend to be negatively correlated with FDI.
Evidence on whether low or high labor costs attract FDI, on the other hand, is ambiguous. A review of sixteen studies found that, in six studies, low wages attracted FDI, while four studies found FDI to be correlated with higher wages and six found labor costs to be insignificant.
Europe n. No consistent statistical evidence has been found that differences in standards affect MNC location decisions, presumably because, in most industries, environmental costs are a small component of total costs. FDI can also bring risks to host developing countries. Moreover, MNCs may seek to protect technology rents rather than transfer technology, reducing or eliminating hoped-for spillovers and externalities.
A host of studies over the past decade have examined the nature of economic benefits and the conditions under which they are—or are not—captured. Two studies found that FDI had a positive impact in 55 to 75 percent of the projects they studied. For example, a study by the Brookings Institution covering 58 countries in Latin America and Asia, as well as Africa, found that a dollar provided by FDI generates another dollar in domestic investment.
Others have found that positive impacts depend on the effectiveness of domestic industry policies; and on tax, financial or macroeconomic policies A World Bank study found that the impacts of FDI depend on the industry, as well as host country policies see Table Three. One found that FDI raises growth only in countries where the labor force has achieved a minimum level of education Borensztein et al, While it is slowly changing, the conventional wisdom is that developing countries should undertake policies which promote global integration, protect foreign investors, and minimize government intervention.
These agreements expand the rights of foreign investors but, with few exceptions, articulate no environmental or social responsibilities of either investors or governments. Many in the sustainable development community are concerned that, without an environmental framework, liberalization will accelerate environmental degradation.
In most industries, a range of technologies are in use. The second decision has to do with management practice, viz, whether the corporate parent has embraced a strong EMS environment management system and enforced it throughout its overseas subsidiaries and supply chains. Efforts to harness consumer power, such as the Fair Trade movement, have been especially effective. One of the promises of FDI for sustainable development is that MNCs, especially from the OECD, will help to drive up standards in developing countries by transferring both cleaner technology and better environmental management practices.
In statistical studies of Mexico manufacturing and Asia pulp and paper , foreign firms and plants performed no better than domestic companies. In the petroleum and mineral sector, a host of case studies suggest that, on average, MNCs have tended to follow—or even to worsen--local practice. The US chipmaker Intel, for example, adopts the highest relevant standard as the company-wide standard, including for subsidiaries. National Semiconductor, on the other hand, adopts an average US standard for its newer plants, and follows local practice for its older plants.
The environmental performance of a particular MNC in a particular locale depends on: 1 the strength of local regulation; 2 the industry it is in; and 3 the particular company culture with respect to environmental commitment and corporate social responsibility. Without adequate global and national regulation, however, economic growth is likely to accelerate environmental degradation—even if MNCs are good performers--through scale effects. If FDI targets sustainably produced and sustainably transported goods and services, then the overall impact--even of rapid and high growth--on the environment would presumably be neutral or low.
To date, however, rapid growth, in developing and developed countries, has tended to be associated with an increase in unsustainable production and consumption patterns. If true, the EKC suggests that, to a large extent, the pursuit of economic growth is itself a sustainable development strategy. One major concern, however, is that the environmental and resource degradation at lower levels of income often results in irreversible losses.
Another concern is that a positive relationship between income and environmental quality in one country or region might mask a relocation of dirty industry to another country or region, resulting in an overall neutral or even negative global environmental impact.
A historical study of Malaysia found no evidence of an inverted-U shaped curve for six air and water pollutants. Environmental Regulation: Stuck in the Mud? Environmental and resource management is largely the preserve of nation-states. How does FDI affect national and-sub-national environmental regulation?
In Chile in the s and s, foreign mining companies pressed for more coherent environmental regulation see Case Study Seven, below. Given the absence of global environmental standards, would-be host governments seeking to attract FDI are reluctant to make higher-than-average environmental demands on individual MNCs.
They may even be tempted to offer lower-than-average environmental demands to enhance the attractiveness of an overall package. Moreover, with the rise of the global corporate social responsibility movement, MNC and host-government expectations may be changing. There is little evidence, however, about the rate of change.
The practice in government- MNC negotiations over environmental management, apparently, is to not rock the boat. Overall, an examination of all three of the channels linking FDI and the environment suggests there is no determinate trend: FDI can improve, worsen or have no impact on environmental quality.
The fact that he poses with many different people in succession reveals his intention to collect mementos from all of his friends. In other words, Pete is both the initiator of the communicative act, as well as its intended addressee. However, memory preservation does not seem to provide sufficient explanation of such a prolific, yet disorderly picture-taking practice.
The close shots of animated people which dominate the party text are hardly symbolic. Still, the choice of response to the camera allows the represented participants additional control over the photographic situation.
Whether pretending not to notice it or gazing into it intently, performing or standing still, the chosen reaction determines the nature of their message.
In this context, by assuming the roles of both photographer and subject, Pete seeks full control over his self-representation. The comparison of a family celebration photograph with the party sequence demonstrates the significant distinctions in the codes of representation used by analogue and digital photography. While the first one is primarily conceptual, concerned with general truths and timeless essences; the second one is for the most part narrative — interested in movement, change and transformation.
If one is commemorative in purpose and application, the other is more interactive and communicative. In fact, digital streams confirm that the greater the number of pictures, the less conceptual they become. The signification codes employed in consumer analogue photography construct its claim to authenticity. It produces self-narratives, which may transgress objective realism, but still insist on identity and history. Conversely, the digital stream, although narrative in nature, is a complex mosaic of fragments, which characterizes with the real-time continuity of speech or film, but not with the coherent, time-transcending symbolism of the memorial.
This new mode of self-representation is too frivolous to be concerned with truth and continuity, and too hectic to allow time for the careful composition of a comprehensive identity narrative. To admit that digital photography constitutes a radically different medium which facilitates the production of alternatively structured self-narratives means to anticipate a substantial transformation in the constitution of contemporary identity as well.
As such, identity has no original referent, but is an imitation of an imitation, which only appears meaningful within a system of differences, a larger text1. When it has this age it can be called the play of the trace. Since gender and identity can be considered the performative effects of repetitive self- mimicry, our act in front of the digital camera, or the photographic ritual altogether, should also be treated as identity constitutive performance.
And since these are imitations of imitations or signs without original referents, the excessive production of photographic images can be interpreted as an attempt to ensure the successful transference of an the self from one context to the next, from a present into a future moment.
Identity is then realized through its insertion in the specific visual and cultural text. In this process the eye of the camera functions as the critical eye of the internalized Other3 who measures the success of visual impersonations against existing cultural stereotypes.
The camera as an embodiment of the internalized Other, now competes with the other in presence, and mediates every interactive gesture that occurs as part of the photographic event. Consequently, the live event is not only interrupted, but replaced by the photographic event, which no longer simply witnesses, but constitutes it. On Photography. Anchor Books. Doubleday Benjamin, Walter. New York: Schocken Books ; pp. Camera Lucida : Reflections on Photography.
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